THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN DAYAK AND MADURA IN RETOK

By Yulianus MAR and Yohanes Supriyadi

PREFACE
Particularly, after ethnic conflicts in 1997 and 1999, the relationship among ethnics in West Kalimantan were frozen. Some talks in homogenous social identity replected suspection, worried and hatred. In relation to the situation, a program activity was designed to break the frozen in 2001. The program was aimed as an effort to strengthen inter-understanding among ethnic in this province. There were two assumption to base fondation for the activity. Firstly, inter-understanding between group is main factor for inter-ethnic group relation. The better or worse communication would have defined relation to and understanding to each other. Secondly, in the context of communal violences, not all groups have participated in the violence actions. Reversedly, some groups did disagree to violences and more prioritizing civilized ways to manage co-existent lives.
Strenghtening community groups that tend to be anti to violences and that are creative to create social mechanism to avoid violences in West Kalimantan, are defintely a must. Anti violences replication model may be started by firstly identifying anti violences communities, followed through analyzing inter-ethnic social relationship. Sharing experiences, involving ethnic community through advocacy and strenghtening, creating awareness on the importance of policies making to mogtivating anti violences and to fight for cultural violences are the series of activities that may be formulating anti violence communities.

The writing is a result of field of observation made for about 2 years in village Retok sub-district Kuala Ambawang B district Pontianak. Two communities, Dayaknese and Madurese, in this village are categorized as “prioritizing ways” to avoid conflict. Analyzing relations between Dayaknese and Madurese through a research was prior step to study the relationship. Some researches may still be conducted for comprehension and extension. But the analysis has been made, that is through this writing may be used for sharing and social relationship model replication.
Observation was made through simple method. Collecting information was executed through participatory group discussion of community groups between Dayaknese and Madurese. Information was mainly collected from local figures of which their leadership is well known by local peoples in the location of this research, that is village Retok. The information was drafted into research writing, and discussed by broader scope before it was taken for fixed draft.

Brief Description of Retok

Geography
Retok is area that has flat contour area and located along the blackish river, namely Retok River. The river is the border between area of Retok and village Sungai Sega sub-district Sebangki district Landak. Retok river has vital important for the peoples surounding. The river is functioned for drinking water supply, bathing, washing and transporting. Ecologically, the river the river has hydrologic function. The history and fertility of area of Retok is reflected in the activities by the river. In the upstream of this river, there are two rivers namely Tumanse river and Ringin river which are flowing from Mandor. River flowing area (RFA) of Retok River is flowing and ending at Kapuas River. Besides the RFA, there are some other rivers, namely Parompakng, Raso, Saga and Timawakng which are all flowing to Retok River.
Retok River is the only one way to reach Pontianak, capital of West Kalimantan province. A long boat seated by 300 passangers and loaded 8 tons of materials could sail the river. Today, the long boat sail in the river are Karya Indah (belongs to Akeng, a Chinese), Sinar Jaya (belongs to H. Umar, a Madurese), Budi Jaya (belongs to Budi, a Chinese), Karena Budi (belongs to Akong, a Dayaknese), and Dewi Murni (belongs to Aau, a Chinese). By the situation of this geographic, the peoples of Retok count their living on river transportation. But in the other sides, this situation is helpful to the people to for the coming in and the coming out of the people from and to Retok.

The character of the river is not possible to support paddy swamp farming. The local peoples tend to choose returned back rotation dried farming system. In this system, the land is needed to rest to have soil fertility returned for several season of farming. Paddy is planted mainly for family consumsion (not to sell), and it sometimes does not feed one-year needs. Before forest (forestry) was exploited Retok was the well-known producer of paddy. Only one village, that is Kubu Padi, that is still producing paddy until today. In the past, the fertility of the soil of land farming and paddy production had invited peoples to come and stay in this area.
Currently, hydrologic function of Retok River is drastically lowered. Water usually floated in November-December, but in 2001 water floated in January. Retok was flooding for a week and consequently the people stepped up to houseroof or to the second floor (those who have good housebuilding). Reversedly, by the dried season (climate), the river is shallowed and muddy. As a result, some water fishes died.
Ecosystem of Retok River is treatened by the existence of illegal gold mining in the upstream of Tumanse and Ringin in Mianas area, sub-district Mandor district Landak. Uncontrolled water debit was also resulted from forest exploitation in the upstream. Illegal logging was drastically lowering forest function to balance the water. Since 1980s, the forest of Retok was massively cut through the operation of HPHs (right to exploit wood from forest) companies like PT. Gelora Agung, PT. Kota Niaga and PT. Sinar Matahari. The companies have even directly operated saw-milling activities in Retok.

Demography
There are 617 hosehold families or 2995 peoples in Retok. There are 656 buildings consisting settlement building, 4 elementary school, 2 junior high school (1 is private), 5 Madrasah Ibtidaiyah (Islamic school), 2 Catholic Church, 6 Mosque, 1 Taupekong (vain for Chinese), 1 community healt center and 2 public cemeteries. Composition of demography by ethnicity is Madurese (65%), Dayaknese (35%) and other 5% are Malays and Chinese. Village Retok consists of 4 dusun (smaller than desa or village). They are: Dusun Retok Kuala (consisting of Kampung Ampaning Seberang, Pinang Merah, Parit Pak Sutari and Kubu Padi Seberang); Dusun Babante (consisting of Kampung Pinang Merah Ujung, Parit Ojek and Babante); Dusun Acin (consisting of Kampung Sosor, Parit Tembawang, Parit Ojek, Parit Pak Sela and Takah); and Dusun Memperigang (consisting of Kampung Karang Anyar, Bungaris, Parit H. Hasan, Parit Sampang, Memperigang, and Penepat).In 1999, Desa (villages) Kuala Mandor B, Kuala Mandor A, Sungai Enau and Kubu Padi included for the region of new sub-district, namely Kuala Mandor B, an extention of sub-district Kuala Mandor A. Vilage Retok is situated between sub-district Mandor in the north, between sub-district Sebangki in the east, between Kubu Padi in the south, and between sub-district Sungai Ambawang in the west. According to Adat institution that was firstly organized in 1997, the area, including 4 other village in sub-district Kuala Mandor B is headed by Adat headman (Timangong) located in Kampung Babante. Together with areas of Ambawang Binua Jalur Tengah and Ambawang Simpang Kanan Binua Jalur Kiri, they made Binua.

Economy
Economy of Retok peoples is counted on natural resource and horticultural farming. People rubber trees plantation is the major income resource. Rubber scretchers could produce 4-5 kgs latex a day. In 2003, the price of latex was Rp. 3.500 per kg. Income gained from scretching is usually used to finance basic needs fulfillment. Farming production like paddy, pineapple, taro, sweet potato, cassava, jackfruit and rambutans are usually produced by Madurese while Dayaknese usually produce paddy. Other promisable option business to do is to cut and log woods in the forest. Not everyone dare to run this business because besides requiring big capital, it is also having risk. The most important thing is that forest is needed for water balancing.
Since that river is always flooded, thus it is quite impossible to have vegetable gardening activities in Retok. The peoples breed animal breeding like piggery, poultry, cow and goat. Some peoples have profession as schoolteacher (public or private), employees of longboat transportation, trader and seller (for latex), and some peoples count their lives on farming.

Resident/Settlement
Area of Retok is narrowed. It is located between two rivers, that are Retok River and Kubu Padi River. Retok River separates Retok from District Landak and Kubu Padi River seperates Retok from Kubu Padi. Because of the limitataion of the area, so Dayaknese should seek additional areas for farming in Memperigang and Takah. The two-village area is reached by traditional canoe towards the upstream and takes about 5 hours to arrive there. The People starts to cultivating farming land area on July. They cultivate farming land in mutual-working system. The participant of system usually consists of 5-8 people in each group. In the farming areas they reach, they have to build a hut to stay for 4-5 days before returning back to their villages.
To overcome land farming area limitation problem, two groups of farmer is cultivating in the upstream of Retok River and other is cultivating in the area of sub-district Sebangki. Each group is participating by both hundreds of Dayaknese and Madurese. They are united in one farner group namely PERMADA (persatuan Madura-Dayak), or the Union of Dayaknese-Madurese farmers. The union is one of the most active farmer groups over there. As observed the settlement is mostly resided based on the ethnic groups. Dayaknese tends to choose shore of river for the settlement. Their historical background has influenced it by the first time they came. Meanwhile Madurese tends to build their settlement far from shore by making canals and streets to connect their villages.

History
According to family tress history the families of Dayaknese has been staying in Retok since the middle of the 19-century. One of headman of first group Dayaknese settlers namely Ne’ Isong had arrived to this area in 1860. Then, in 1880s Ne’ Ngampekng and his group also had arrived there. Other groups then had arrived later from various places (villages) in District Landak. Pak Satir (75 years old, informan for this research) from Retok Sosor told that three men (they were brothers), Ne’ Said, Ne’ Nyabut and Ne’ Molah were coming from Menyuke, a sub-district of in district Landak. The settlement and land farming of the three is now called becoming Timawakng, which is locally better known as Kadiaman. Then other group joining the three was the group headed by Ne’ Lenang. Hasanuddin stated that “Sultan (King) of Pontianak emperor made a decision by letting the Dayaknese free to build his own settlement in the northern of Keraton (palace) along Ambawang River (2000:32)” and “….they settled their settlement and plantation around Sungai Ambawang like in Kuala Ambawang, Pancaroba, Puguk, Retok, Lingga and so forth (p.28)”. By the falling of emperors of Sambas, Sukadana, Kubu and Sintang into the hand of Dutch by the 19-century, has caused the trading activities centralized in Pontianak. Rubber was introduced at that time. Resin also became commodity. Besides for new land farming area, the coming and staying of Dayaknese over there was for the commodities.

The steps of dried farming cultivation have been important process for the establishment of Retok. Dried farming cultivation is started by land clearing. Since that the soil surface fertility is thin, paddy is usually planted once a year. As paddy harvest finished, other types of plantation like vegetables, tuber, and fruits are followed to plant. After 5 years the growing non-plantation trees are cut down and burned to produce dash. The dash may be used as land fertilizing for the plantation. Ex dried farming cultivation land for fruits and other plantitraion is locally called Timawakng. Timawakng and rotary (cycling) of cultivation are the symbol of Dayaknese wisdom in keeping and maintaining natural resources, especially land for cultivation and forestry. Ex dried farming cultivation land is not always made for Timawakng. In the present time, it is usually planted rubber trees, and it is becoming rubber trees plantation. Timawakng is a symbol of land ownership. One ancestral family possesses it. Besides Timawankng, another symbol of land ownership is rubber trees plantation. Planting rubber trees could not be separated from cultivation cycling. Regeneration of one ancestral family extends the number of families and become the communities of Kampung. In Retok, the spreading of communties is associated with the spreading of Timawakng areas. Kampung of Sosor, Acin, Memperingang, and Babante were begun by the existence of Timawakng and rubber trees plantation that was integrated with the system of farming cultivation. An information disseminated on the economic potentials was the reason and purpose for the coming and staying of new more people over there.

In the past time, Retok was situated between emperor of Pontianak and Landak. The Dayaknese at that time cultivated land for farming in both emperor areas. As they were prohibited to cultivate land in Landak, they left the land. The “ex being left” land was then cultivated by Madurese who came to areas later. According to Mr. Darus (60 years old, stay in Retok Acin, the headman of Kampung Retok), word “Retok” is coming from word “Batotok-totok” (Dayak Ba’ahe word), which is mean “Gathering”.
The existence of Madurese in Retok was begun when they came and employeed in rubber trees plantation of Dayaknese. Madurese is specialist in canaling, and canal was really required for plantation cultivated in lower contour area. Mr. Satir is the one who still remembers the names of Madurese who firstly came and employeed in plantation of Ne’ Said and brothers. They were the beginning of Madurese communities in Retok. For the first time, some number of Madurese directly came from Madura Island. Some had been staying in Sungai Ambawang and Telok Pakedai before they moved to Retok. Term of Teretan, means “close family” (that should be protected and participated) has increased the population of Madurese. The communities of Dayaknese who came in 19-century have developed 4 villages (Babante, Acin, Sosor and Memperingang. The coomunities of Madurese who came in 1920s have developed 8 villages (Pinang Merah, Parit Pak Sutari, Parit Objek, Parit Tembawang, Parit Pak Sela, Karang Anyar, Parit H. Hasan and Parit Sampang).

Social Relationship between Dayak and Madura in Retok
As described earlier, the communities of Dayak and Madura have been developing relationship for about 80 years. Unlike in other different places those have experienced several communal (Dayaknese and Madurese) clashes of conflict (violences); the communities in Retok have never had conflict. They have never been influenced by conflict happened in other different places. The following description will not explain why conflict has never happened, but it will describe how the two different communities tried to avoid conflict.

Dayaknese and Their Customary, and Madurese
In Retok, as in other places, economy (production and ditribution), social (living co-existent rules) and belief (phylosophyc and spriritual to base relation) of Dayaknese have been well managed by the system called Adat or customary. Adat is transformed in rituals, social structures (may also be called customary law) and in viewpoint principle in conjuction with the good and the bad, the right and the wrong values. Linguistically, Dayaknese in Retok is classified as “Dayak Ba’ahe” or “Dayak Kanayatn. In the community of Dayaknese, system of religious (belief) is reflected into oral tradition. For instance, Adat was inherited by Ne’ Jubata (God, in heaven) to Talino (human being) in Dapuk Damparatn through intermediary of Ne’ Ramaga and Ne’ Dara Irakng. In conection to values, Adat was inherited to human being through intermediary of Ne’ Taguh and Ne’ Matas. Adat ritual is reflection of belief that is still believed by peoples through ritual pray. In Retok, the Adat ritual is still enforced. By 7-9 July 2003, for instance, the people in Retok enforced Adat ritual of Balala Nagari. Based on genealogically, Adat ritual enforced in Retok is Adat Talaga. Dayaknese keeps practicing it today in sub-district of Sengah Temila and Sebangki. Until now the Dayaknese in Retok keeps enforcing some Adat rituals like Batalah, a ritual for deadman, Babore, Tampukng Tawar, Roah Padi, and other rituals executed in Kadiaman (settlement).

Social system is summarized in what so-called Hukum Adat (customary law). The essence of Hukum Adat is the balance in human-human relation and the balance in human-God (Jubata) relation. The bad and the wrong attitude (may also be read behaviour, action and deed) is believed to poluting natures (Kampung or Binua), thus it should be cleared. To have it cleared rituals should be enforced. Since that balance is holly, so a man should pay for it by showing goodwill to sacrifice and to sorry. The goodwill to sacrifice and to sorry to return its balance back, a man should pay Adat sanction. Adat sanction should be paid through Adat ritual. Deed that is associated with balance destroying is bad deed (crime deed), ignorance and all things related to man blood pouring. Adat sanction is depending on local Adat rules. In Retok, the rules are renegerated from Adat Talaga. The procedure to enforce Adat sanction is made by Adat functionaires. In Retok, the procedure should be passed the following steps:

Iniviting local community in a meeting to talk on the issue made by a man.
 Issue is discussed and analyzed in Bahaupm (an Adat meeting)
 Providing chances for the man family to have their idea/opinion on the issue.
 Sorting idea/opinion and viewpoint from parties involved in meeting
 Deciding final conclusion
 Enforcing decision made according to rule of Adat.

Observation result shows that Madurese tended to understand the system of Adat of Dayaknese. The understanding was shown within their participation in completing cases made in Adat way in the following:

 Case of Mr. Celeng. The case was begun from sub-district Sengah Temila in 1995. Mr. Celeng, a Madurese, acrossed Retok River for an escape/hide in Kubu Padi from Parit Tembawang. In Parit Tembawang, a fight between him and a man (also a Madurese) had been made. Since that the fight happened in area (Desa, Ketimanggongan) of Retok, so the two should enforce Adat law that is aimed to clear Kampung from the bad. The Adat sanction paid was Adat Bayar Nahar (because blood was poured on land as a result of fight) and Nyimah Tanah. The Madurese paid by providing Paraga Adat in the form of Tempayan Bertutup Mangkuk Bajilah Basi that was put in location of fight, Pig, Chicken, Sakapur Sirih and Sajian. Timanggong Binua (Binua headman) issued written statement for the two for not making conflict potential.
 Case of Aban–Saleh. The case was begun from suspicious between Aban (Dayaknese) and Saleh (Madurese) on the issue of rubber plantation. They had spied to each other. Aban was attacked by Saleh and his men in Parit Ojek in 1996. Because of the attack, the peoples of villages Babante and Kubu Padi wanted to take ravange for Saleh. The plan was prevented. The peoples reported the plan to sub-district commander of army and police. Adat functionaires were also active. The family of Aban asked for Adat law enforcement for paying Adat of Nyimah Tanah and Bayar Nahar. Paraga Adat paid was in the form of Tempayan Bertutup Mangkuk Bajilah Basi that was put in location of fight, Pig, Chicken, Sakapur Sirih and Sajian.
 Case of Mrs. Mahmud–Heri. The case happened in Parit Haji Hasan in 1996. Mrs. Mahmud (Madurese) had quarrels with Heri (Madurese). The incident was believed as trouble for harmony in Kampung. The two were given Satu Siam (Capa’ Molot) of Adat sanction. Paraga Adat paid was in the form of Tujuh Piring Sabuah Mangkuk, Pig, Chicken, Sakapur Sirih and Sajian.
 Case of robbery. The case happened in 1997 when ethnic conflict between Madurese and Dayaknese clashed in Sanggau Ledo. Mr. Alin (Dayaknese) was robbed in Kubu Padi, meanwhile Mr. Aban (Dayaknese) attacked dead. One of the robbers was also heated dead by peoples. The Binua gave Adat sanction in the location of incident. It was aimed to limit the esccalation of incident. Adat ritual was executed in Panyugu (special place to execute Adat ritual) in Kadiaman. Paraga Adat paid was in the form of Tujuh Piring Sabuah Mangkuk, Pig, Chicken, Sakapur Sirih and Sajian. Adat ritual executed was Adat Ngantor Ai’ Tanah (aimed for Kampung safety). The ritual was attended by Madurese (they prayed in Moslem way).

Adaptation between Dayaknese and Madurese
In Retok almost all Madurese are able to speak Dayaknese (Ba’ahe language) and reversedly, some Dayaknese are also able to speak Madurese. Some of Madurese learned Ba’ahe when they studied in primamry school in Retok. The student of the school is primamry Madurese and Dayaknese. They learned the language in their social relationship in the school. Schoolteacher in the school could also speak the language. Madurese teacher speaks Dayaknese and Dayaknese teacher speaks Madurese. Madurese traders learn to speak Dayaknese by the time they have direct interaction with Dayaknese or when they have trading activities in market.Another interesting point in social-politic sector in Retok is that Madurese are not ambitious to have position of headman of Kampung or Desa. Since the election of Kepala Desa (headman of Desa) in 1972, the posisition has always been seated by Dayaknese. Although the number of voter was dominated by Madurese, but they had never voted for Madurese headman candidate. But they did it for Dayaknese.

Communities Efforts for Conflict Prevention
Everytime the peoples of Retok feel that the situation might be unsafe, they together did Ronda Malam (night petrol done in settlement). Night petrol had been done in 1997 and 1999. Having attention to prior clashes between ethnics, petrol was executed in crisscrossed way. Dayaknese (from village Sosor) had petrol in Madurese village (in Retok-Parit Tembawang) and vise versa. Petrol was usually strenghtened by putting Tempayan Pamabakng, a religio-magic way of Dayaknese. It is aimed to avoid Kampung from badwills coming from outside of Kampung. In 1983, when Madurese murdered teacher Jaelani (Dayaknese) in Sungai Enai, the peoples of Retok, both Dayaknese and Madurese put the Tempayan Pamabakng. It was aimed to avoid the use of chance and situation for both to make ravange to each other. It signed a natural sign and so the two ethnics’ people cancelled the revange. Untill now, there is no clashes (the attack made by Dayaknese or Madurese) happen between them in Retok.In Dayaknese Adat, there is a ritual called Tolak Bala Nyimah Tanah. The ritual is aimed to avoid (also means to prevent and refuse) unwanted epidemic, disaster and attack. In October 13, 2002, the ritual had been executed and by an agreement between the two ethnics, the ritual was then taken for annual ritual.Besides that, another annual ritual is Balala Nagari. It is a prayer ritual for asking safety. During the ritual, the peoples do fasting within certain days for not going anywhere including going to farming activities. Last year the ritual was executed in July 7-9, 2003, and Madurese also implemented the fasting.

Lessons Obtained
What lesson may be obtained from how Dayaknese and Madurese in managing social relationship in Retok? And why the Dayaknese and Madurese have been living co-existence for more than 80 years without accidents or conflict clashes?
One clear thing that is the two has been living together co-existent for more than 80 years. Eighty years is a long time for both ethnic communities to know themselves. How Dayaknese speaks Madurese or vise versa; how Madurese participates in Adat rituals ceremony and how they also keep enforcing Adat Law; how both Dayaknese and Madurese take initiative steps to prevent conflict and clashes potentials and possibilities, are indicating (as a proof and evidence) that the two ethnic communities have been recognizing each other. But, is “recognizing to each other” the only factor for not having conflict or clash? If we have read part 3 in this writing, some cases had been tried to complete do not reflect “competition” economic resources. Although there was a fight caused by rubber plantation issue, it only reflected individual relation. Collectively, resources could be managed together (please see PERMADA). For communities of Retok, it means that where resources are managable in collective and in peace way (share), why then there should be conflict? It even means that conflict could be stressed in order to have sustained economic needs and shares. At least the two two reasons –the situation where the communities have been recognizing to each other and economic need fulfillment that does not need competetion– are the factors must be underlined of why the two ethnics supporting to each other for not having conflict or violence history. What is existed and parctised in Retok may be inspiring us to see and understand the relationship among different ethnic communities that is situated (concentrated) in the same geography. For the policy maker, what is existed and practised in Retok may be taken for “reference” to anticipate social tendencies for other different communities that have similar character.

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